S.O.S. Catalonia Calling

Spain's "national" day. Nothing to celebrate.

2007-10-13T18:11:00.000+02:00

Yesterday was the "national" day of Spain. The day of the Spanish "race" as it was known some years ago, today disguised as the day of "hispanity". It is curious how Spaniards are still proud of the "castilianization" and "evangelization" of America which costed more than 100 milion native lives. Spain is still proud of one of the worst genocides and human crimes in history and they celebrate the begining of the end of American native cultures under slavery, war and extermination. Now they call it the building of "hispanity" and they still think that Americans should be thankful for being civilized and taught to speak Spanish. It is the day when fascism appears with impunity, with their nazi flags unfurled thogether with the Spanish flag, and the arms saluting in the fascist way while threatening to kill well-known pacific defenders of Catalanism (look at the video).

This year the extreme patriot messages from the second Spanish party (PP) recall the old pre-democrat speeches made by general Franco during the long Spanish fascist regime. The aggressive Spanish nationalism will turn against the same democracy, trying to come back to the old murderer dictatorship in a way to destroy not only any other non-castilian nation in Spain but to destroy the essence of freedom, but the Spanish political parties feed it instead of stopping it. The way Spain has taken is becoming dangerous. The hysteria due to the growing secession feeling in Catalonia and the Basque Country is waking up the old "imperial" language that lights the latent catalanophobia of the Spanish nationalism. The say they are the victims of the evil nationalists (Catalans and Basques, of course) but they only hide hate and the will of the complete genocide of any other culture but Castilian.

But in Catalonia even though the call of PP to show the Spanish flag in public, in Barcelona you could see more Catalan independentist flags (in reply) than Spanish flags (even though Barcelona is the place where most of the old Spanish immigrants in Catalonia live). The most of the old Spanish immigrants are nowadays Catalans, and their children are Catalans too. Catalonia is not a race. Catalonia is a feeling where everybody is welcome. We have no day of the "race" as racist Spanish nationalism.

This is a warning to the world. Spain has the tanks. Spain has the police forces. Spain has the judgeship (in the next post I will talk about the "rights" Catalans have in a trial). They have the big media to poison every information about Catalonia that goes abroad. We are defenceless. This is a message just in case. We know Spain too well to believe in its real democracy. We know the Spanish informations are intoxicated and show only what the Spanish state machinery want to be shown. The attacks to Catalanist groups and people is growing (even with bombs in Valencia), but the Spanish media say nothing about that, in what is a cold war against Catalonia and Catalanism.

We live in an ill and deformed democracy. We live in a variety of fascism. We vote but we do not decide. We have no real rights. Laws are not made for us but against us. We live in a country where democracy is used against people's rights (only if people are Catalans).

The Spanish army marched yesterday in Madrid (as every year) as a warning of who is the real guardian of the unity of Spain. The army has the mission to keep the unity of Spain against all inner "enemy" (that means secessionists). So the Spanish democracy allows the army to destroy any democratic attempt to build an independent Catalonia. Our call for a democratic referendum can be legally crushed by force.

The world must have that clear.

Shame on Spain. October 12th is a dark day to remember the Spanish genocide.

Freedom for Catalonia.

The Frankfurt Book Fair opens. Catalonia, the guest of honour

2007-10-09T23:57:00.000+02:00

This is the great opening speech of the Frankfurt Book Fair where the Catalan culture is the guest of honour, made by the Catalan writer Quim Monzó:

Ladies and gentlemen,

Since I have never been one for making speeches (and I’m not sure I’d know how), I’m going to tell you a story. The story is about a writer (a writer who always speaks very fast) who is invited one day to make the official opening speech at the Frankfurt Book Fair.

This happens the year in which Catalan culture is the guest culture of the Fair. A year that could be, let’s say, 2007. The writer in question —Catalan himself and, hence, on his guard— hesitates before accepting the assignment. He thinks, “Now what should I do? Accept the invitation? Not accept it? Should I decline with a pleasant excuse? If I accept, what will people think? If I don’t accept, what will people think?”

I don’t know how these things work in other countries, but I can assure you that in my country people tend to think many thoughts, and to draw many conclusions. If you say one day that, when the tailor takes your measurements for a suit and asks, “Do you dress right or left?”, you answer that you dress right (or left), people draw conclusions. If you go to the fruit store and order apples they draw conclusions. If you order oranges, they draw them as well. Whatever you do —dress right or left, buy apples or oranges— people have a very high degree of perspicacity. People are practically clairvoyant, and they always deduce one thing or another, right down to seeing cities that don’t appear on any map. If you step forward, you should have stood still. If you stand still, you should have stepped forward. Damned if you do, damned if you don’t.

But as it happens the writer in question feels he doesn’t owe anyone an apology for forming part of the culture they have invited to be the guest at Frankfurt that year, so he decides to accept. Obviously they will never propose to him that he make the official opening speech at the Frankfurt Book Fair the year they invite the Turkish, Vietnamese, or N’gndunga culture. So he says yes, he’ll do it, and he sits right down at a table, gets out a ball point pen and a notebook, and starts ruminating on what he should say.

He feels a bit perplexed. Throughout the years, history’s largesse has not been on the side of Catalan literature. Languages and literatures should never be on the receiving end of geopolitical strategies, but they are, and in a big way. This is why he is surprised that an operation like this —the Frankfurt Book Fair, dedicated to the greater glory of the publishing industry— has decided to invite a culture with a fragmented literature, divided up among several nation-states in none of which it is really an official language (even though one and a half of them proclaim that it is, just so long as this proclamation doesn’t irritate the tourists, the skiers, or the butane gas deliverymen).

This is why he has his doubts regarding the invitation to Frankfurt. Has the world suddenly become magnanimous with the Catalans, when there are so many who would prefer them to be perpetually on the periphery? He remembers, moreover, another literary operation, now more than a century ago (in 1904) —more Nordic and a good deal more pompous—, in which the jury of the Nobel Prize for Literature awarded the prize to Frederic Mistral. Frederic Mistral was not Catalan. He was Occitan. But the reference serves —not only for some Catalans and some Occitans to feel a bond— but also because the award so irritated the Nation-State purists (“Soyez propre, parlez francais!“) that never again in our lifetime has any stateless literature been awarded a Nobel Prize.

Beyond the feeling of perplexity, the character in our story feels a sense of justice. Perhaps “justice” is not the precise word. Something like that. Even though —not to repeat himself— the political avatars have not given us much cause for joy, Catalan literature is clearly one of the cornerstones of European culture. No stateless literature in this Europe (which they now claim we are building together) has produced such a solid, ductile, and continuous literature. Should he explain all of this in his speech?

Maybe he could begin by saying that the initial impetus that gave Catalan literature a preferential place in Europe during the Middle Ages was born of Ramon Llull (Raymundus Lullus, Raimundo Lulio, Raymond Llull, Raymond Lully: whichever you prefer). Ramon Llull was a philosopher, storyteller, and poet. He was from Mallorca, this Mallorca that has now turned into a geriatric-tour-operated ‘Bundesland’. Born long before tourist agencies, low-cost airlines, and the invention of “Balearization” came to dictate the rules of life of those coasts, centuries before the arrival of Boris Becker and Claudia Schiffer, in the mid 13th century Ramon Llull constructed a rigorous and shapely language, the same language we still speak and write, in a vibrant and corrupted way.

But the writer still has doubts. Since he will be speaking in Frankfurt, should he dress it up with details that might interest the German-speaking public? Should he mention the Archduke Louis-Salvador of Austria-Tuscany, S’Arxiduc, as he was known? Should he mention Messrs. Damm and Moritz, beer brewers of Germanic origin, founders of two of the brands of beer still drunk nowadays by Catalans? It is clear that, if he did, they’d call him frivolous, and this gives him all the more reason to do it. While he’s at it, he could mention Mr. Otto Zutz, the great ophthalmologist —“certified in Spain and in Germany”— whose name ultimately graced a splendid Barcelona discotheque, and who, in his lifetime, tested the eyesight of many a citizen of Barcelona. Some members of the family of Carles Riba, the poet, for example, as can be gleaned from what his grandson —Pau Riba, a poet in his own right, as well as a singer— says in the text accompanying his record “Dioptria” (“Diopter”).

Nor does he know whether he should cite the greatest names that have spun the literary thread that brings us to the present: Bernat Metge, J.V. Foix, Narcís Oller, Anselm Turmeda, Joan Brossa, Joanot Martorell, Llorenç Villalonga, Jordi de Sant Jordi, Jaume Roig, Josep Carner, Jacint Verdaguer, Isabel de Villena, Josep Maria de Sagarra, Angel Guimerà, Santiago Rusiñol, Joan Maragall, Eugeni d’Ors, Josep Pla, Joan Sales, Mercè Rodoreda… And, should he do it in this disorderly way or name them in chronological order?

Or maybe it would be better not to cite any of them? Won’t reading the names of all these writers (most of whom are unknown to the literary world that circulates in Frankfurt) just be tedious for the audience at the opening ceremony who will have to listen to so many unfamiliar names? Won’t they be looking at their watches and thinking, “What a bore!”? And so he decides he won’t mention any names (even though, in fact, he has already mentioned them in the very process of describing his doubts as to whether he should mention them or not). What’s more, he’s read that at the Frankfurt Book Fair there will be an exhibition that explains all this. Although —to be frank— how many of the persons who attend this inaugural event will later visit this exhibition with any more interest than a merely official show of etiquette? Let us be frank and optimistic: very few. Even if this is a Book Fair, where the least-known authors ought to be the ones who would most pique the reading appetite of those who were interested in discovering literary gems and not simply following the commercial drumbeat of what is in vogue at the time.

But the more he ruminates on it, the less clearly he sees how the speech should be. Since many people have formed their idea of the world from the vantage point of the current politico-cultural power geometry, perhaps he could tell them that in Europe—once Latin had been shredded into the vulgar Romance languages—, the first treatise on Law was the Catalan “Consulate of the Sea,” which established the rules for maritime relations in the Mediterranean. Perhaps he could add that some of the first European treatises on medicine, dietetics, philosophy, surgery, or gastronomy were also written in the Catalan language.

But what use will all these facts be? What have other writers in previous inaugural speeches at this very same Fair said before him? The writer then tracks down a few of these opening speeches and reads them. Almost always, in all of these speeches, there is a grand exaltation of the writer’s own culture, and he sees clearly that to those who do not belong to the culture being exalted all the speeches sound distant, like the sound of a river flowing to the sea without our noticing. These speeches are not unlike the one made by Pau Casals, the cellist, at the United Nations in New York, during the Franco dictatorship. That was a speech that moved Catalans with the same intensity that it left the rest of the inhabitants of the planet indifferent: “I am a Catalan. Today, a province of Spain. But what has been Catalonia? Catalonia has been the greatest nation in the world. I will tell you why. Catalonia had the first Parliament, long before England. Catalonia had the first United Nations…”

He also observes that other writers who have delivered the opening speech at the Book Fair have interspersed poems in the text. Maybe he should do that, too. He could, for example, read the tongue-twister that the great Salvador Dalí read one day (in a phenomenal parody of a military speech), as if it were the most sublime poetry in this world:

“A teeny-tiny mommy lousie, itchy, screechy, bowlegged and beachy,
had six teeny-tiny baby lousies, itchy, screechy, bowlegged and beachy.
If the mommy lousie hadn’t been teeny-tiny, itchy, screechy, bowlegged and beachy,
the six little lousies wouldn’t have been teeny-tiny, itchy, screechy, bowlegged and beachy.”

In truth, if the speech is part of a ritual and, as in all rituals, what really matters is the form, the protocol, the suit jacket, the tie (or the absence of a tie), does what is said, exactly, matter that much at all? In a religious ceremony celebrated in a dead language (a mass in Latin, for example), does it matter all that much if some portion of the faithful doesn’t understand the text? Even more to the point: must anything concrete be said at all? Politicians are great jugglers, and hence their speeches are exemplary: full of stock phrases which —so as to be perceived as responsible individuals— they apply with great mastery at the right moment even if, in truth, they are nothing more than smoke: letters that form syllables that form words that do the deed.

Years ago, Carles Santos, the extraordinary musician, recorded a splendid piece that fell somewhere between a declaration of love and a political speech. It is a text in which vacuous phrases and promises have been replaced with the constant repetition of the word “Sargantaneta,” “little lizard,” seasoned with exalted adjectives. (“Sargantaneta,” with a slight alteration, “Sagrantaneta,” is the name of his fishing boat.) Wouldn’t the ideal speech for an event like the opening of the Book Fair be, in fact, a text full of stock phrases, of “little lizards”? A text so abstract and so empty that, without changing a single word or phrase, it could be used just as well at a literary, sporting, hunting, or stamp-collecting event? A text that would serve just as well to present a new book of lyric poetry as to inaugurate a train route. A speech so ambiguous that it would be all rhythm —rhythm, rhythm!—, but in truth would mean nothing: absolutely nothing.

This is what the writer who always speaks very fast (and who is invited one day to make the official opening speech at the Frankfurt Book Fair), wonders whether or not he should say. He also wonders whether —if he says it— his listeners will take much notice. He also wonders whether —if they take notice— they will understand much of what he means. He also thinks that, in fact, he could say any other thing without changing things all that much so long as he adheres to ceremony in all the rest of the details. One of the most important features of which, by the way, is time.

And this he is clear about, indeed. When the time comes to finish— the maximum number of minutes stipulated is fifteen— he will look at his watch [he looks at his watch] and say:

—That’s all. Thank you very much. Good evening.

Burn, baby, burn!

2007-10-03T15:19:00.000+02:00

Girona, Manresa, Molins de Rei, Lleida, Vic, Tarragona, València and Alacant (in the Valencian Country), Sabadell, Barcelona, Figueres, UAB (Autonomous University of Barcelona), UB (University of Barcelona), URV (Rovira i Virgili University)... The fire spreads throughout the country. The visit of the King of Spain to the Catalan city of Girona on september 13 was responded by an anti-monarchical (and anti-Bourbonic) demonstration with the burning of a portrait of the king as a symbol of all what is Spanish. The "legal" Spanish repression machine started to move.

The Audiencia Nacional (a Spanish pre-democratic judicial court, heir of the Tribunal de Orden Público -Court for the Public Order- a repressive court of Franco's fascist dictatorship) soon forced an investigation to accuse the "burner" of slanderous allegations about the king. He soon was identified and taken to Madrid (now he is free but waiting for the trial). The attorney demands a sentence of 15 months of prison (in comparision, the smallest sentence for the abandon of a baby child is 15 months -the Spanish penal code is so fair...). Recently, the Audiencia Nacional ordered the "kidnapping" of the satiric magazine "el Jueves" under the same accusation (see this post) and the authors are waiting for the trial (at least it seems they won't have to face prison). This last week an ultra-Spanish group of people attacked a pro-Catalan activist in Valencia. The victim has lost an eye, half an ear and his mouth is broken (among other bones and injuries). Last may, the local office of ERC (the Catalan independist party) in the town of Sant Vicenç dels Horts (not far from Barcelona) was attacked and burned by Spanish factions during the celebrations of the winning of the Spanish football league by Real Madrid. The same day, in the Catalan town of Reus, some Real Madrid fans burned the Catalan flag with impunity. In the Catalan town of Castellar del Vallès, nazi groups (with Spanish flags in their shirts) use to attack immigrants and members of Catalanist parties while the Spanish National Police stares in silence. But these kind of actions are not interesting to the Audiencia Nacional. Burning Spanish symbols is a crime that can finish with the "criminal" in jail. Burning Catalan symbols and attacking Catalanist people is another Spanish "fiesta". None Spanish media inform about the Spanish attacks while they exagerate to the maximum the Catalan actions against Spanish symbols (increasing catalanophobia in Spain).

Back to the main affair of this post. The arrest of the "burner" by the Audiencia Nacional has lit the fuse of civil desobedience. Some Catalan jurists and politicians have expressed that the burning of a portrait of the king must be considered free expression and not a crime. Days after the arrest, 300 people gathered in Girona and Molins de Rei and many of them burned protraits of the king in support of the arrested independentist. The Audiencia Nacional ordered the arrest of all the criminal "burners" and, in a decision that has no antecedents in democracy, forced some journalists and members of the press to break their right of information and privacy and give the Spanish authorities all their photos and information in order to identify more "criminals". The next day many of them made a public protest and a demonstration leaving their cameras on the ground. Nine more independentists have been arrested. The witch hunting has begun.

Soon the call for more anti-monarchical demonstrations have arisen with the slogan "I also burn the Spanish crown" and "Catalans have no king" while satiric magazines and programs have begun to tell jokes about the king. In the other side, the Spanish nationalists are feeling more and more insulted by the "vandals and criminal Catalans" every day.

Today in Madrid some Catalan independentists (in support of the arrested ones) and some Spanish fascist were face to face. Nothing happened this time apart from the insults due to the presence of the police. What was an isolated spark has become a fire that can spread all along the country.

You can agree or disagree with the fact of burning portraits. You can like or dislike the monarchy. But you cannot disagree with free expression. If burning Spanish symbols is a crime, why burning Catalan symbols isn't? The democratic democracy of the heirs of fascism. A sour drink hard to swallow. Repression only feeds more civil desobedience.

It has not finished yet. Shame on Spain.

Freedom for Catalonia.

The independence in numbers: Spain's nightmare

2007-09-21T17:09:00.000+02:00

Two years ago a statistic study called Referendums and opinion polls about independence: a taboo affair was published in the net. That study showed the true numbers of the independence strength in Catalonia. To sum up to these results, we have other Spanish official opinion polls that confirm the tendency of the unofficial polls. Of course the Spanish polls do not ask directly about independence.

In the democratic Spain the call for "unauthorized" referendums is prohibited since 2003 by the Spanish criminal code (not by the civil code) so the Spanish democracy considers that those who call for "unauthorized" referendums are like murderers, terrorists, thieves, etc. The penalty for such "criminals" that organize or cooperate in the organization of referendums is between 3 and 5 years of prison and the disquialification for any public post. This law was created when José María Aznar was still president of Spain (Aznar is today the leader in the shade of the right wing and Spanish nationalist party PP full of old members of the fascist unique party during Franco's dictatorship). But surprisingly the left wing party (and federal in its theoretical concept of Spain) PSOE and its leader, president Zapatero, did not revoke such antidemocratic law in 2004, when they won the elections, while in 2003 PSOE was against it.

Nowadays the call for a referendum is still considered a political crime.

It is not a mistery what "unauthorized" means in Spain: any attempt of a democratic self-determination process of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The Spanish democratic laws ban one of the most important human rights: the self-determination of a nation. Congratulations. You have invented the anti-democratic democracy.

But why such legal efforts to chain the will of the people? Spain denies our existence as a nation. They say we are all Spaniards. So if we are all Spaniards, why such worry in ban self-determination referendums? Perhaps Spaniards live pretending not to see the truth. Perhaps this Spain is such a big lie that it needs to be imposed by the force of unfair laws. When a law is made against someone it is not a law but legal repression. And it is clear that this law is made against Catalans and Basques, even though they are not mentioned in it (Spaniards are not so fool). Spain is our legal jail from which we cannot "legally" escape. If democracy is a crime... what would happen if the supporters of the Catalan self-determination were majority in the future? Wouldn't it be the origin of a civil unrest? We are forced to be Spaniards whether we want it or not. Half democracy is the poison where troubles grow. And Spain is living in a half democracy since 1978.

SPAIN'S NIGHTMARE. THE INDEPENDENCE IN NUMBERS

According to the Institute of Political and Social Sciences the results to the question "Do you agree or disagree with the concept of Indenpendence of Catalonia?" were

1996: Agree - 29% Disagree - 56% Don't care - 11% Do not know - 4%

2004: Agree - 39% Disagree - 44% Don't care - 12% Do not know - 3%

As you can see those who agree increased a 10% in only eight years while those who disagree decreased a 12% in the same period of time. Since 2004 the tendency has not changed.

Another question of that poll in 2004 was "In the state of Spain the role of Catalonia should be..."

A Spanish region - 11%
An autonomous comunity (today status) - 36 %
A state (in a federal Spain) - 26%
An independent state - 20%

If you sum the first two answers that do not want Catalonia to be a state the result is 47%. If you sum the last two answers that want Catalonia to be a state (federal or independent. Today the federal Spain has proved impossible and federalists are decreasing while independentists increase) the result is 46%. Deuce. Do you understand the reason of the Spanish referendum law now? They try to hide and, what is worse, illegalize reality, but reality is a trunk in the sea: you cannot sink it. It will always come to surface again.

Nearly 20 years ago, in 1988, a poll made by the Convention for the National Independence made some questions. The answers were

"The cultural situation in Catalonia in an independent state would be..."

Better - 59.5% The same - 16% Worse - 9,3%

"The wealth of an independent Catalonia would..."

Increase - 51.2% Be the same - 13.2% Decrease - 17.2%

"The welfare state in an independent Catalonia would..."

Increase - 52.9% Be the same - 16.8% Decrease - 11.8%

"If there were a call for a referendum in favor of the independence of Catalonia what would be your vote?"

YES - 44.5 %

NO- 26.4%

That was the last time that an opinion poll asked directly about people's vote in a referendum of independence of Catalonia (Spain got afraid I suppose).

But the Spanish official polls of CIS show some interesting results also. Of course they do not ask about independence or referendums. But they ask about Catalan's national feelings "What do you feel?"

1999: Only Spanish - 9.3% More Spanish than Catalan - 6.5% Equal Spanish and Catalan - 45.2% More Catalan than Spanish - 23% Only Catalan - 13.6%

2006: Only Spanish - 6.6% More Spanish than Catalan - 5.4% Equal Spanish and Catalan - 40.6% More Catalan than Spanish - 27.8% Only Catalan - 17.5%

These results are simply a miracle after 300 years of Catalan submission to a hostile Spain that tried to destroy our national reality. But we are here. And time is ticking in our favor. They know that. Are Spaniards going to prohibit the pass of time? One day Catalans will claim for the full democracy we deserve. What will Spain do then? We will see. They have the tanks. They have the only democrat Constitution in Europe where the army is defined as the guardian of the unity of the State. The Spanish democracy accepts an interior military intervention if necessary. They fear democracy. That is why they use just a half democracy with us. We are not normal. We are a deformity of history. An accident that should have been vanished already.

Shame on Spain.

Catalonia's National Day

2007-09-10T23:47:00.000+02:00

Tomorrow is Catalonia's National Day. September 11th 1714 is the day we lost our sovereignity and our freedom by force. That day the siege of Barcelona ended. For 13 months, 7,000 resistants (4,500 urban militia, 2,000 regular army, 470 cavalry) defended Barcelona against a veteran 40,000 Castilian and French army (with 80 cannons). In the Catalan side there were 7,000 casualties. There were 14,000 casualties in the assailants side. The resistance of Barcelona was an example of heroism and a symbol to those who love and fight for freedom in all Europe. England left us alone in 1713. The English allied reinforcements never came. The betrayal of England to Catalonia senentenced us to extinction. Phillip V Bourbon became king. With him the destruction of Catalonia and the Catalans started. But it never completely ended.

Since then nearly 300 years of submission and resistance at the same time. The Castilianized Spain took our flags, our independence, our culture, our lives. But they could not defeat our will to be. And we will be free once again sooner or later. They took our freedom by the force of the arms. We will regain it by the force of the democracy. Even the Spanish laws cannot stop democracy.

Until the day of our independence we commemorate the courage and sacrifice of those who defended our freedom to death. It is not a happy day. It is a day to remember who we are and who we were.

Phillip V of Castile

TO THE MARTYRS OF 1714

In the Graveyard of the Mulberry Trees

any traitor is buried

even losing our flags

it will be the urn of the Honour

In the Graveyard of the Mulberry Trees were buried all the victims of the defense of Barcelona 1713 - 1714

Some celebrities of the Catalan resistance:

Josep de Moragues i Mas (1669 - 1715) General (in the picture)

Antoni de Villarroel Peláez (1656 - 1742) Supreme Commander in Chief of the Catalan army

Rafael de Casanova i Comes (1660 - 1743) Counseillor in Chief of Barcelona

Pere Joan Barceló i Anguera "Carrasclet" (1682 - 1743) Soldier and Commander of the most famous anti-Bourbonic guerrilla

Manuel Ferrer i Sitges politician "Wake up, wake up sleeping Catalans. Do not bury your honour, your laws and the freedom of your beloved homeland in the black obscurity of a perpetual slavery" (speech 1713)

Antoni Desvalls i de Vergós (1666 - 1724) Marquis de Poal and General in Chief of the Catalan sometent (militia)

Francesc Descatllar i de Tord (? - 1715) Captain

Sebastià Dalmau i Oller (1682 - 1762) Colonel of Cavalry

Josep Comes (? - 9/11/1714) Liutenant Colonel

Francesc de Castellví i Obando (1682 - 1757) Captain

Magí Baixeres (? - 9/11/1714) Captain

And all of those anonymous Catalan patriots

that lived and died defending our nation

WE DO NOT FORGET

FREEDOM FOR CATALONIA

Spain vetoes the Catalonia - USA football match

2007-09-05T01:56:00.000+02:00

In a great proof of the natural Spanish democratic behaviour, the Royal Spanish Football Federation has vetoed the friendly football (soccer) match between Catalonia and USA that was going to be played next October 14 in Barcelona. The reason is that October 14 is a FIFA day, it means that it is a day where the national selections do compete, so Spain plays a match the day before. The Spanish Federation says that a "regional" selection like Catalonia cannot play even a friendly match that day. Even more, the Federation says that "regional" selections must compete just once a year in December (maybe they think we have to thank them for being so generous).

But this argument, as all Spanish arguments, has a dark side. Last year the national football teams of Catalonia and Euskadi (Basque Country) played a match in a FIFA day in Barcelona. Moreover in the last years, Catalonia has played twice a year. The fact is that the Spanish Federation, and all Spanish media, are offended because the Catalan selection of Futsal (a five-to-five indoor sport similar to football) has been internationally recognized as an independent member in the European Union of Futsal and in the Futsal World Assotiation. Moreover, in the last World Cup organised in Iakutsk (Russia), Catalonia and Spain (that has a national team recognized by the FWA also) shared the same classification group. This was the first international and official match between Catalonia and Spain ever. The Catalan anthem at the same level of the Spanish anthem. The result: Catalonia 5 - 3 Spain. A historical victory for Catalonia that has been rejected by Spain (that want it to be declared illegal) under the argument that the FWA is not an official Assotiation (if that was true why Spain is a member of it as well as Argentina, Paraguay, Russia, Germany, Italy, France, Equador, USA, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Mexico, Peru, Canada, Brasil, Australia, Belgium, and many others? If it was not official, why the Spanish Government ordered an official investigation of that match to find and accuse their own Spanish team of an illegal usurpation of the Spanish national symbols? Why didn't they order that investigation before that match? Why so much worry? Maybe the result is too big to swallow? Maybe Spain cannot tolerate being defeated by Catalonia in a fair match without the intervention of the "legal" Spanish machinery?. That is the real truth. The Spanish pride has been offended by the evil Catalans and Spaniards are trying to avenge this offense vetoing a match in another sport where Catalonia is not internationally recognized yet).

All the insults said and written since that futsal match, and the diplomatic foul-play, pressures and blackmails made by the Spanish embassies trying to forbid the Catalan international selection of Futsal have just one aim: the repression of the Catalan national selections and its will to be internationally recognized. The main interest of Spain is to hide the Catalan national demands to the world. They try to make us invisible and they use legal or illegal plots to success in that "democratic" repression. They know that if the world knew about our national claims and the situation of Catalonia in Spain, the Spanish international reputation would be seriously affected. Their democracy would appear as a hypocritical disguise. They fear us. They fear losing their last colonies (and above all they fear losing the benefit of our taxes). That is why they try to hide us under the carpet with their legal sweepers while trying to de-nationalize us and turn Catalans into good Spaniards.

Even though these Spanish efforts there are many Catalan Federations in some minor sports that have been recognized in the world and can compete internationally: pitch and putt, karate, taekwondo, twirling, australian football, futsal, icestock, corfball, kick-boxing, racketball, bodybuilding, roller hockey (recognized by the South-American Confederation) and the last one is bowling (Marca, a sports newspaper edited in Madrid, says that this last international recognition is a "scandal" because Spain is defined in the Spanish Constitution as "unique and undivisible" and accuses ERC (the Catalan independentist party) of being behind this "delirium" and "mixing sport and politics" (as you can see only Spaniards can mix them -who did first mention the Constitution and the Spanish laws? Isn't Marca the first one mixing politics and sport?). Marca affirms that "the International Bowling Federation is a complete joke" because they accept Catalonia "in a restricted area where only Spain is allowed". Moreover, Marca laugh at that international federation because it includes other federations as Gibraltar, Jersey, Isle of Man, or Wales (maybe Marca do forget that Spain is a member of that "joke" also). So Gibraltar, Jersey, Isle of Man and Wales are a joke to Marca. To insult Catalans they insult all the rest of the world if necessary (the International Bowling "joke" Federation includes other countries as Albania, Austria, Iceland, Finland, Greece, Germany, Poland, France, Russia, Romania, Italy, Morocco, The Netherlands, Denmark, England, Bulgaria, Croatia, Portugal, Israel, Ireland... all of them a "big joke" to Marca, I presume). Making friends, huh? Spanish "democrats" of course.

That is why they have vetoed the Catalonia - USA football match (I'd like to know what the American players will think of Spain from now on). The Catalan victory in the Futsal match was too much for Spain. The reaction is the only thing Spain do well: to censor, to veto, to forbid, to repress, to prohibit, to ban and to insult. An offended Spaniard becomes a non-democratic Spaniard.

But Jordi Roche, president of the Catalan Footbal Federation, has declared to the press that if the Spanish Football Federation insists in vetoing the Catalonia - USA match with no justified reaons the affair will go to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). The Catalan Football Federation has the support of the Catalan Government and the most important Catalan clubs: FC Barcelona and RCD Espanyol among others.

Shame on Spain.

The viability of an independent Catalan State (and IV)

2007-09-04T03:21:00.001+02:00

This is the last part of the article by Josep Desquens.

The viability of an independent Catalonia

As mentioned before, many Catalans do not support secession because they believe that it would not be economically viable. Yet thus far, there are no convincing arguments to support such a statement.

The argument that Catalonia is too small to be an economically sustainable independent state is incorrect. Not only is there no serious economic theory arguing that a country's economic success requires a minimum size, but the evidence suggests a different reality. Looking at the ten countries with the highest GDP per person in the world shows that the Catalan proverb "the good marmalade is in the small pot" is applicable to economics: Eight out of the ten richest countries in the world (measured by GDP per capita) have a population equal or lower to that of Catalonia's six and a half million inhabitants. Another element of the economic inviability speech refers to the availability of natural resources: An independent Catalonia will not be able to prosper because it does not have sufficient natural resources. Again, this logic is flawed. There is no established correlation between natural resources and economic prosperity: Though there are examples supporting this relationship, such as Norway; there are others refuting it. Oil-rich Venezuela has proved that abundant resources can lead to economic disaster if improperly managed, while a relatively poor country in terms of resources, such as Japan, is one of the richest in the world. The use of natural resources is indispensable for economic development and a country that wants to grow will need to obtain them. The way to do so efficiently is through international trade, not giving up political independence to a larger country.

A central theme in the anti-secessionist economic discourse is based on the fact that Spain is the main market of Catalonia. Thus, seceding from Spain would result in an economic catastrophe because Catalonia would lose its main market. The flaw in this argument is that there is no reason to expect Spanish trade embargoes or a boycott of Catalan products, particularly in the E.U. context. Secondly, Spanish citizens buy Catalan products due to their quality and price and not for some abstract Spanish national solidarity. Therefore, as long as secession does not increase the prices or lower the quality of Catalan products, no loss of market should occur. Finally, this argument overlooks an important reality: It is normal for a country that its main market is a neighboring country, particularly in the case of small countries. The Netherlands and Denmark's largest trading partner is Germany; Belgium's is France; Portugal's largest market is Spain, yet there is no suggestion that Portugal reunite with Spain.

Critics of secession can rightly argue that being part of Spain makes economic sense because it allows Catalonia to share the costs of public goods of the military, diplomatic representations, etc, among forty million people instead of six and a half million. Although this is undeniable, it overlooks two facts. First, the huge regional fiscal imbalance shows that today Catalans are paying for these services twice what they would pay in a separate Catalan state. Second, the cost of some of these public goods (e.g. monetary system, antitrust regulation) is being transferred to the E.U. supranational level (i.e. financed by all E.U. citizens).

In conclusion, there is no objective economic reason to believe that a hypothetical Catalan state should not be viable from an economic perspective. If Slovenia has performed well since seceding from Yugoslavia with its much smaller and less diversified post-communist economy, an independent Catalonia should also be able to do well economically. In the end, the success of a Catalan state will depend on its own government. Independence will be good for Catalans only if the Catalan state would be able to pursue sound macroeconomic policies that foster growth and economic welfare. While it is uncertain how well a Catalan government could manage its economy, we know that the performance of the Spanish government over the last century has been overall poor. Moreover, as independence would mean getting rid of the aforementioned fiscal imbalance with Spain at once, a Catalan state would enjoy significant room to maneuver.

Globalization

It is often heard in Europe that it does not make sense to talk about the secession of stateless nations in the context of globalization. It is claimed that in an era of fading borders and boundaries, it is not the time to build new ones. This type of conventional discourse results in avoiding an open and objective discussion about the possibility of an independent Catalonia, Basque Country, Scotland, Flanders or any other European stateless nation.

As shown by Harvard University professor Alberto Alesina and his colleagues, the reality is rather the opposite: "Trade liberalization and political separatism appear to go hand in hand." The increase in free international trade directly relates to the economic viability of new states. Globalization makes the independence of Catalonia more viable because it guarantees access to international markets. Likewise, it makes secession much more desirable for the health of its economy, as fewer bureaucratic layers would increase Catalan competitiveness in global markets. In a context of international trade restrictions, large countries enjoy economic benefits because political borders determine the size of the market. In this context, small nations such as Catalonia find belonging to a larger state such as Spain to be in their economic interest because it gives them access to a larger market. Thus, from a purely economic point of view, being part of Spain has benefited Catalonia.

In a world of increasingly free trade and global markets, this rationale is no longer valid. Relatively small cultural, linguistic or ethnic groups have the possibility to benefit from creating new political entities that trade in economically integrated wider areas. With its own state, Catalonia could benefit from improved administrative efficiency and still have access to foreign markets in which to sell its products. In other words, free trade is a good substitute for a political union as a way to access bigger markets in the context of globalization.

It is important to highlight here that small countries appear to be among the main beneficiaries of freer trade. That should not surprise us if we look at the small European countries that have traditionally been active traders, like the Northern Italian city-states and the Low Countries. Professor Alesina has suggested that population explains a third of a country's openness to trade (i.e. trade relative to GDP). A study by the World Trade Organization (WTO) of 127 countries (both developed and developing) finds a clear relationship between the size of a country and its openness to trade. While the benefits of being a small country (e.g. easier to manage, greater homogeneity, specialization) remain, the drawbacks are decreasing with free trade and new technologies.

In addition, globalization is also compromising many of the traditional functions of mid-sized countries such as Spain, making them less desirable to their citizens - in particular, to differentiated groups such as the Catalans. On the one hand, these states are not big enough to solve global problems involving issues like international terrorism, international capital movements, regulation of transnational corporations, the HIV/AIDS epidemic or global warming. On the other hand, they are still too large to solve local problems. If Spain is not big enough to tackle global problems and not small enough to properly deal with Catalan specificity, then it should change or disappear. So far, it has shown no willingness to change. As professor Sala-i-Martín puts it: "at the end of the day, states and governments should serve the people and not the other way around."

The European Union

The process of European integration, supposedly based on the principle of subsidiarity, has long been at the center of the European stateless nations' ambitions to increase their degree of political autonomy. It is argued that talking about secession in the context of European integration is senseless because this process should lead to the disappearance of current borders and nation-states as we know them today. It is claimed that Europe will naturally become a loose confederation of independent regions.

These expectations are, however, proving unrealistic. Indeed, the principle of subsidiarity creates a perception problem: While for the majority of E.U. states (with the notable exception of Germany) it applies only to the relationship between the European Union and its member states, for these stateless nations it also fully applies to their administrative relationship with their respective states. Thus, in Catalonia the process of European integration has raised expectations of higher levels of political power that are not being matched by reality. In fact, expressions such as "Europe of the regions," so often heard in Barcelona, are rarely used in Madrid. Because for virtually all state governments, the E.U. project is to be built on the existing nation-states and the transfer of political power to the regions should never undermine the pivotal role of these central governments. The development of the current European Convention, which is drafting an E.U. Constitution, appears to confirm such position. Plus ça change ...

Even though the E.U. nation-states are not willing to give more power to their regions in the name of the principle of subsidiarity, the process of elevating state responsibilities to the European supranational level is clearly undermining their own raison d'être. The Spanish state has given up its sovereignty in key areas such as trade policy, antitrust regulation, environmental legislation and - through the European Monetary Union - monetary policy. Today, the number of functions that it undertakes for Catalan citizens has significantly diminished. In this context, it is legitimate for Catalans to ask themselves whether the remaining attributes of the Spanish central government (e.g. fiscal policy) could not be better managed by the Catalan government, one closer to them, with greater knowledge of their needs. The evidence shown above in relation to the fiscal imbalance seems to indicate that Catalonia would be better off if it could undertake those directly itself.

The process of European integration also provides a significant argument for the independence of Catalonia, Flanders or Scotland: administrative efficiency. The maintenance of the state's intermediary role between the European and local powers results in higher transaction costs that hamper economic development. Particularly in federal or semi-federal states like Spain or Belgium, keeping a central state that has less and less to offer to its citizens is becoming more expensive to maintain and very complex to manage. Thus, secession appears as an economically desirable option because it would result in lower costs and complexity that would reduce the burden carried by the Catalan economy.

We have seen how the European Union is calling into question the existence of old centralized European states such as Spain. In this context, becoming a small less bureaucratic state within the European Union would result in increased economic efficiency. It would also be the best way for Catalan interests to be represented in the process of European construction - as opposed to being represented by a Spanish government that has repeatedly refrained from defending important Catalan interests (e.g. language official recognition). Finally, the European Union is de facto lowering the potential cost of independence by providing Catalonia with a free trade area, as well as saving the need to incur costs such as creating a new currency.

Final reflections

Unlike many nations in Europe that have flourished due to the creation of a nation-state, Catalonia exists despite a unitary and centralist Spanish state that has repeatedly tried to eliminate it as a separate cultural entity. In this context, the mainstream Catalan nationalist movement - in particular, since the end of Franco's dictatorship's attempt at linguistic genocide - has traditionally focused on cultural and linguistic promotion. At the same time, it has allowed a damaging fiscal relationship with Spain to develop that might have led to a civil uproar in other countries. Years of permanent centralism have atrophied the perception of reality of many Catalans, making them accept this administrative relationship as perfectly normal even when it goes against their interests. Today, culturally-focused policies are insufficient. Catalan politicians need to ensure the continuity of the culture and language, but they also need to inform Catalans openly that they are paying a high price to be part of a unitary Spanish state. They have to make all Catalan citizens aware of the fact that, in the name of a questionable solidarity, the current fiscal imbalance results in serious public under-investment that will hurt their economy. And, more importantly, they need to tell them that this is a problem that affects all Catalans equally: first-generation and tenth-generation Catalans; Catalan-speakers, Spanish-speakers and Arabic-speakers; employers and employees; men and women; students and retirees. It is urgent that Catalans realize that only with a new administrative structure can Catalonia be competitive in the international markets and guarantee better public services, modernization of its infrastructure, social cohesion and economic growth. Among all possible options, it is independence that makes more sense economically, particularly in the context of globalization and the European Union. Why? First, secession would guarantee that the existing unfair fiscal imbalance would be eliminated. Second, an independent Catalonia would result in a smaller more efficient public administration. Third, a Catalan state would still have access to international markets in a free-trade world. Finally, full independence would mean a direct voice in the international forums that so much influence their lives.

No referendum on the question of independence will be a fully rational exercise. Independence from Spain is not simply a matter of economics or administrative rationality. Identity issues, in Catalonia and elsewhere, are highly complex. Some might want to be part of Spain even with an unfair fiscal treatment; others might want independence even if the cost is high. However, this does not negate the fact that economically, independence would not only be viable, but also significantly advantageous. Catalans might want to vote from their pockets rather than from their hearts.

The viability of an independent Catalan State (III)

2007-09-04T03:12:00.000+02:00

This is the third part of the article by Josep Desquens.

The fiscal imbalance between Spain and Catalonia

The long history of Spanish centralism has resulted in Catalans, as opposed to other regions of Spain, traditionally valuing private initiative rather than the state in order to develop. This has led to Catalonia being a relatively rich and dynamic region within Spain, a country that is relatively poor by E.U. standards. Catalonia has a strong net of small and medium businesses and many micro-entrepreneurs. Containing about 16 percent of Spain's population, it provides about 20 percent of its GDP and one-third of the total industrial production and exports. The region contributes about 25 percent of Spain's total taxes, but public investment in Catalonia is scarce when related to either population or GDP contribution. The regionalized investment of the Spanish state in Catalonia from 1982 to 1998 represented only about 8.5 percent of the total.

Spain's central government controls tax collection and decides the distribution of the fiscal revenues throughout the country. So Catalans pay taxes to Madrid in exchange for public expenditure in the region. The difference between what is paid by the region and what is received back in the form of public spending is the fiscal balance, which can be positive (a 'fiscal surplus' for Catalonia) or negative (a 'fiscal deficit' for Catalonia). Calculating the fiscal balance is not an easy task. There are technical difficulties: Many public services that benefit Catalan citizens are not provided directly in Catalonia but from Madrid (e.g. army, ministries) and so valuing this is complicated. As well, the Spanish central government appears not to make available all necessary data, although it is in theory obliged to do so according to a resolution from the Spanish Parliament. However a number of studies in recent years have estimated the Catalan fiscal balance with Spain, showing not only a deficit (i.e. pays more than it receives back) but one of the highest of any region in the European Union. I refer to this situation as the fiscal imbalance.

These studies estimate the Catalan fiscal imbalance with Spain to be between 7.5 percent and 10 percent of the Catalan GDP i.e. for every 100 euros of income created yearly in Catalonia, between 7.5 and ten never return. In absolute terms, the deficit is between about 6.7 billion and about 9 billion euros or around 1,240 euros annually per capita (using the median of the estimates, 7.9 billion euros).

This is a highly abnormal situation when comparing Catalonia to similar regions in other E.U countries. First, if we compare it to regions that have similar levels of per capita GDP, we find that it has by far the largest fiscal imbalance among its E.U. peers. Nine out of fourteen comparable regions - e.g. Aquitaine in France; Scotland in the United Kingdom; Umbria in Italy; and the Southern region in Sweden - enjoy fiscal surpluses in their respective states. In those carrying a fiscal imbalance (e.g. Lisboa-Vale do Tajo in Portugal), it is nowhere higher than 3 percent. A second useful exercise is to compare Catalonia to regions whose income per capita is approximately 20 percent higher than the average of their respective state, as is Catalonia's. These areas include Ile-de-France, Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg, South East England, Stockholm, Emilia-Romagna and Lombardy. In this case, only the two Italian regions have a comparable fiscal imbalance - a situation that has created an unprecedented political uproar, mainly articulated through the Lega Nord political party, which is resulting in the reorganization of the Italian Republic through the process of so-called devolution.

The fiscal imbalance has been sustainable in the past because of Spain's relatively closed economy. However, it is not sustainable in the context of globalization. Catalonia will never be globally competitive if it has to carry such a heavy fiscal burden. Catalan companies pay high taxes, only to receive few public services and low infrastructure investment. High taxes result in making the region less competitive, the low level of investment in infrastructure lowers productivity. Not only does it hamper economic growth and the modernization of the Catalan economy, but it also impoverishes Catalan citizens and damages their social and territorial cohesion. As Columbia University professor Xavier Sala-i-Martín puts it: the fiscal imbalance is "the major challenge facing the Catalan economy for its development in the next 25 years."

Sala-i-Martín has shown that if the Catalan fiscal imbalance had been reduced by one-third over the last 25 years, assuming that the freed funds had been fully invested in infrastructure and education (leading to a higher growth rate), Catalonia would now be a frontrunner in Europe in per capita income - second only to Hamburg, London and Luxembourg. These are missed opportunities. Today, the independence question aside, the unfair fiscal treatment remains an enormous problem for Catalonia. As such it needs to be addressed in an open and informed way. Unfortunately, this is not happening. On the one hand, many people seem to have lost their sense of reality after so many years of permanent centralism. On the other hand, many politicians and commentators fear openly talking about an issue that has become 'politically incorrect' in Spain. They do not want to be compared with the Italian right-wing xenophobic Lega Nord, which has used such type of arguments in a highly demagogical manner.

In any case, one thing is clear: the fiscal imbalance is a key argument supporting secession. A fully independent Catalonia would not have to pay taxes to Madrid that are invested elsewhere. Instead, it could invest them to the benefit of Catalonia.

What solidarity?

The central argument supporting the past and present fiscal imbalance is a so-called inter-regional solidarity. There are also other less convincing arguments such as the populist claim that Catalonia has a historical debt to the rest of Spain, or the economically mistaken opinion that such a fiscal imbalance is necessary as a means to finance Catalonia's large trade surplus with the rest of Spain. Let us focus on solidarity. The current inter-regional solidarity system has major structural flaws that have to be recognized. First and foremost, no solidarity system can compromise the economic health of the 'donor,' as the current one is doing. Second, the current system was designed when disparities between Spanish regions were much higher. Now, after 20 years in the European Union, this has changed significantly. Indeed, in comparing Spain to other E.U. countries we see that the regional differences in Spain are not as abysmal as claimed. Countries such as Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Italy have more substantial inter-regional disparities. Third, supporters of the status quo ignore that Catalonia, though rich, has one of the highest rates of intra-regional income disparity in Spain, both territorially and socially. These disparities are not tackled effectively under the current system.

In this respect, it is important to highlight that if Catalonia were an independent state within the European Union, roughly half of its territory would be designated as a preferential area for E.U. structural funds. Catalonia is currently considered as a single unitary entity by the European Union and thus, given its overall level of income, is not eligible for these funds. It is in this predicament that significant parts of Catalonia that require public investment do not receive public aid neither from Madrid nor from Brussels.

Sala-i-Martín has referred to an interesting example that illustrates well the character of the present Spanish solidarity system. In 2000, the GDP per person in Catalonia was 21.9 percent higher than the Spanish average. In comparison, the GDP per person of the Autonomous Community of Castilla y León was 7.6 percent lower than the Spanish average. On the basis of this income differential, one could argue that there is a need for some kind of inter-regional transfer. The surprise comes when we assess the extent of these transfers: Catalonia's Income per capita (after redistributions) was 4.3 percent higher than Spain's average, while Castilla y León's was 9 percent higher. In other words, despite producing over 30 percent more, the redistribution system results in Catalans ending up with a lower income per capita than Castilian-Leonese people. This supports the argument that the Spanish inter-regional transfer system is neither fair nor economically beneficial, but creates a welfare dependency that harms entrepreneurship and growth in the poorer regions.

The viability of an independent Catalan State (II)

2007-09-04T02:05:00.000+02:00

This is the second part of the article titled "The viability of an independent Catalan State" by Josep Desquens. The pictures are not in the original article.

Catalonia: An overview

With roughly six and a half million inhabitants, the Autonomous Community of Catalonia is larger than four of the current fifteen member states of the European Union (Denmark, Ireland, Finland, Luxembourg ) and than seven of the ten new countries joining the E.U. community in 2004. It has approximately the same population and surface area as Switzerland.

Catalonia has an ancient history. Greeks, Romans and Phoenicians have all left their mark in the country. Arab influence was also notable, though less than in other parts of Spain as Arab rule was brief. In the Middle Ages, as a central component to the Crown of Aragon, it became one of the most important powers in the Mediterranean Sea. In the 15th century, it was united with the Kingdom of Castile through a royal marriage. Yet the result was not a common state, but a confederation of states with separate parliaments, laws, and language. In 1640, the War of the Harvesters was fought against the increasingly centralist Castilian government.

The War of the Harversters (1640 - 1652)

At the same time, Portugal (then also attached to Castile) fought for independence and won. Instead, Catalonia lost the war and was forced to cede its northern part to France. During the War of Spanish Succession in the 18th century, Catalonia supported the Habsburg pretender to the Spanish throne, who favored a federalized Spain, against the French Bourbon claimant, the future Philip V of Spain. Once again, Catalonia lost, and as a consequence, the new Bourbon king wiped out all Catalan institutions and forbade the official use of the Catalan language. This effectively ended the Catalan state structure and began a process of cultural assimilation that continued until the 20th century.

The Catalan national conscience reemerged in the 19th century, as nationalism surged throughout Europe. Initially a culturally focused movement that looked back at the medieval epoch of political glory and cultural and literary richness, it soon developed into a regionalist movement demanding greater political autonomy. During the early 20th century before the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939, Catalonia enjoyed partial self-rule on various occasions and a Catalan Republic within the Iberian federation was proclaimed twice. However, with Franco's victory in 1939, one of the darkest periods of Catalan history began.

Gen. Franco's dictatorial regime is key to understanding Catalonia today. While all Spaniards were victims of Franco's ruthless and institutionalized violation of human rights, Catalonia suffered a cruel and systematic attempt at cultural annihilation. It endured repression of individual and collective cultural rights, such as the prohibition of the use of the Catalan language, the public denial of the Catalan identity and the punishment for cultural expression.

The arrival of democracy in 1975 initiated a process of recuperation of the Catalan institutions, culture and language. Today, Catalonia has the highest level of self-governance that it has enjoyed since the Bourbon dynasty came to power three centuries ago. The Autonomous Government and Parliament have substantial responsibilities in areas such as education and culture, its own health care system, its own police, etc. After Germany and Belgium, Spain is the most decentralized country in the European Union, with the Basque Country, Navarre and Catalonia as the most autonomous regions.

Language is central to understanding Catalonia's identity. Having survived three centuries of repression from Spain, it still has a vibrant and sophisticated literary scene and its language is used by about eight million, known by ten million and widely spoken at all levels of society. It is spoken not only in Catalonia, Valencia and the Balearic Islands (Autonomous Communities where it has the same legal status as Spanish), but also in the eastern part of Aragón, the Principality of Andorra (where it is the only official language), the historically Catalan territories of southern France and the city of Alguer (Alguerho, Italy). In fact, Catalan is more widely spoken than a number of other official E.U. languages, like Danish, Finnish, Slovak, Slovenian, Latvian, Lithuanian and Maltese. Yet it does not enjoy recognition by E.U. institutions, as all Spanish governments have consistently ignored Catalonia's demand to press for this. There are numerous radio and TV channels, newspapers and magazines in Catalan, and, more than eight million books are edited in Catalan every year. This recovery of the Catalan language - thanks to a vigorous language policy and hefty funding - might look impressive by many counts. However, it faces very serious threats and is a main concern for many Catalans. Catalan is the weaker language in a bilingual society where Spanish is equally spoken.

Map of the Catalan language

Apart from its long-standing literary tradition, Catalonia has shown a high level of cultural creativity over the last century. Many painters (Dalí, Miró, Tàpies), architects (Gaudí, Bofill), musicians (Granados, Savall, de Larrocha) and opera singers (Carreras, Caballé) confirm Catalonia's standing in art and culture. It still is a center of imaginative talent in areas like design, fashion and architecture, particularly focused in Barcelona, the capital.

Eric and the Army of the Phoenix

2007-08-31T16:05:00.000+02:00

Before publishing the rest of the long article called The viability of an independent Catalan State I want you to know that the video about Eric and the Army of the Phoenix (see my old post titled Say you are Spanish or I lock you up. The modern Spanish Inquisition) is now available in YouTube. The video is divided into five. Here you can see all of them. Shame on Spain.

The viability of an independent Catalan State (I)

2007-08-28T21:13:00.000+02:00

I publish an article appeard in 2003 in The Bologna Center Journal of International Affairs by Josep Desquens, a Catalan economist. It sweeps away all the fears some Catalans have when thinking about an independent Catalonia. Can it be viable? The answer is here. I did cut the article in four posts because it is too long to publish it in just one. The pics included are mine, they are not in the original article.

Europe's Stateless Nations in the Era of Globalization. The Case for Catalonia's Secession from Spain

By Josep Desquens

"The life of the Catalan is an act of continuous affirmation [...] It is because of this that the defining element of the Catalan psychology is not reason, as for the French; metaphysics, as for the Germans; empiricism, as for the English; intelligence, as for the Italians; or mysticism, as for the Castilians. In Catalonia, the primary feature is the desire to be."-- Jaume Vicens Vives, Catalan historian

Many citizens of Flanders in Belgium, Scotland in the United Kingdom and Catalonia in Spain do not consider themselves merely part of a region but an independent nation that has no state of its own. Greater self-rule is the central objective of the so-called nationalist political parties characteristic of these European regions and the possibility of secession has been part of their politics for years. Yet while secession is mentioned as one option for the future, mainstream parties perceive it as a utopian formula rather than a viable alternative. This results partly from a genuine allegiance to the existing states by many of these regions' residents, but also from the fear of the unknown and a surprising lack of information about the economic costs of remaining part of these states and the potential economic benefits of independence.

Current conventional wisdom in the European Union and the United States sees the issue of secession as something outdated or even dangerous. Mainstream politicians, diplomats and academics tend to present it as a senseless option at a moment in history where the focus is building a united Europe and a free-trade world. The thought of the wars in the former Yugoslavia makes many fear such an option. However, the situation in Catalonia, Flanders or Scotland is not comparable - these stateless nations are well-established democratic societies that respect human rights and free-market economies within the European Union. Thus, Catalans, Flemish or Scots cannot ignore that full political independence remains a serious option for them. The desire for secession needs to be objectively analyzed and the costs and benefits properly weighed.

Many Catalans do not consider themselves Spanish but exclusively Catalan. Such feelings raise eyebrows in other parts of Spain, Europe and elsewhere, but are widely accepted as legitimate within Catalonia. The key goal of Catalonia's main political party, Convergència i Unió (CiU), which has governed the region for more than twenty years, is to gain higher levels of self-government. It defines itself as Catalan nationalist (or Catalanist) and frequently refers to the Catalans' right to political self-determination. With this party's support, the Catalan Parliament declared fourteen years ago that it would not renounce this right. Yet it does not seek full independence from Spain. Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), which does publicly support full independence and is Catalonia's fourth largest political force (it is the third in 2007), held about 9 percent (the 16 percent in 2007) of the vote in the last regional elections. Polls on the issue reflect that a much higher percentage of the population sympathize with the idea of secession.

In Spain, this is a hot topic. The Autonomous Government of the Basque Country unveiled a "Sovereignty Plan" last year which calls for a referendum on the issue of self-determination once there is an end to the violence of ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna), the region's separatist terrorist group. The central Spanish government in Madrid is strongly opposed, arguing that the Spain's Constitution does not foresee the right to self-determination for any part of the country. Recently, CiU made public a plan to reform Catalonia's Statute of Autonomy that reaffirms the right to self-determination, claims Catalan representation in various international organizations and demands sole control of areas such as immigration and tax collection, among many others, which are today responsibility of the Spanish central government.

There are broadly three main arguments for the independence of Catalonia. The first is that since the Catalan cultural and language is neither understood nor accepted in Spain (and so neither protected nor fostered), the best way forward is an independent state. This results from three centuries of linguistic and cultural discrimination, which reached its pinnacle under Gen. Francisco Franco's 36-year dictatorship. The second one says that a well-defined political entity such as Catalonia should be mature enough to govern itself with its own voice in the European Union or the United Nations in order to address the problems specific to it. Finally, there is the belief that Catalonia would be better off economically by seceding. In particular, proponents of the last argument refer to the fact that Catalonia pays much more into Spain's central treasury than it gets back (subsequently referred to here as the fiscal imbalance) and to the excessive bureaucracy resulting from the current administrative arrangements.

The economic arguments are contested. Some believe an independent Catalonia would not be economically viable; others argue that it does not make sense given that globalization and the European Union have brought about the blurring of borders. But only a few seem willing to undertake a serious economic assessment of an eventual secession, as this has become a "politically incorrect" issue in Spanish politics.

The purpose of this article is to show that there are sound economic and administrative arguments supporting the case for Catalan independence and that there are no objective reasons to believe that a Catalan state could not be viable from an economic perspective. Secession would mean getting rid of the current fiscal imbalance with Spain, which has seriously hampered Catalonia's growth and endangers its future economic performance. It would also mean simplifying the current oversized bureaucracy and having a direct voice in international forums. Moreover, I will argue that the processes of economic globalization and European integration are creating a new reality that reinforces, rather than weakens, the case for secession. Overall, evidence indicates that from an economic perspective, independence is the best solution for the people of Catalonia presently.

I will not touch upon the cultural arguments and I will not discuss whether an independent Catalonia would be morally legitimate or historically justified. Though there are strong historical and cultural arguments that justify going it alone, one could also argue that there are many others that support being part of Spain.

Good bye Patriot!

2007-08-18T19:13:00.000+02:00

Dedicated to Lluís Maria Xirinacs. Catalonia needs patriots like you and your example will live with us forever. Good bye, Patriot. You are not a slave now in death. One day we will be free in life. Freedom for Catalonia!

One day you will be proud of your people.

The Catalonians by Bart Kennedy

2007-08-14T12:49:00.000+02:00

Below you can read what Bart Kennedy published on Thursday, September 30, 1909 in The New Age, a weekly review of politics, literature and arts, under the title The Catalonians. This article appeared a month after the famous bloody confrontations called the Tragic Week of Barcelona.

The Tragic Week in Barcelona, 1909

His point of view about the way Andalusians or Catalans are is funny and simple at the same time, but although it is a trace made with a thick brush it is a part of the reality also. He came to the logic conclusion: Catalans are not Spaniards and the best solution to the troubles of Spain is that Catalans become a separate State. He was completely right: the tempestuous relationship between Spaniards and Catalans will last to the end of times if they go on living together. He somehow foresaw what really happened the next years. In 1923 Spain became a dictatorial system where Catalanism was forbidden and our language, culture and history repressed. But the worse was about to happen. In 1936 the fascists and the Spanish ultra-national-catholics joined to destroy the Republic proclaimed in 1931. One of the reasons was what they called separatism and the Catalan secessionists. From 1939 and during nearly 40 years, the Spanish democrats were repressed for their ideas. The Catalan democrats were repressed for their ideas and for their national reality: Catalans. So the first ones to know that Spaniards and Catalans are not the same are those who violently deny this difference. Those who say Catalans are just Spaniards and nothing else and the only true nation is Spain are the ones who know better that we are not the same and our nations are different. They go on denying it because they know that if one day they accept the truth Spain will change and even disappear. The higher they shout the word Spain, the bigger they write Spain in their flags the weaker their arguments for justifying a united Spain are. Even nowadays they say we are all Spanish people but they treat us as a colony: they take our resources and give us the leftovers mixed with the contempt and humilliating insults from the Spanish media. Like the jews in medieval times, Catalans are the origin of all evil and troubles in Spain. So they are the first ones to treat us as non-Spanish people but a colony with no identity. Shame on Spain.

The Catalonians

By Bart Kennedy

The trouble in Spain is racial. The Catalonians are utterly different from any other Spanish people. The Andalusian and the Catalan are at opposite poles. And the Castilians -the men of the centre of Spain- and the Basques are also very different from the turbulent, energetic Catalonians. The language of the Catalonian is also different from the true Spanish -the Castilian. As I tramped through the mountains to the north-east, on my way to Saragossa, this was borne in upon me. I had to revise my stock of Spanish words. Veinte (twenty) transformed itself into "bin" Cinco (five) was "sin" Ochenta (eighty) was "weetantey" And there were other differences of a radical and puzzling nature. And the accent of the people was distinctly Gaelic. Imagine Gaelic spoken in a rough and guttural way and you will have some idea of the way Catalan sounds. I found them to be a rough, sudden, hurry-up people. And while I was amongst them I often longed to be back South amongst the calm and easy, come-day goday Andalusians. There was an electric energy about the Catalonians that was calculated to upset a person of easy thought such as myself. They were workers of a swift, abrupt character. And that is another trouble springing out of the difference of race. The Catalonian works, and he knows he works. And he knows that the rest of the people of Spain won't work. And therefore is it that he would like to be separated from the toil-shy Spaniards. He wants all the fruits of his labour for himself. I may say that in Andalusia no one works. Or if they do, they do it in such a secret, unobtrusive manner that it escapes the observer. I was nine weeks in Granada, and during all that time I never saw anybody doing anything. When next I am born again I sincerely trust that it will be in dear old Granada, where people neither toil nor spin -but somehow manage to reap. The Andalusian is a lovable, easy character with a supreme gift for polite lying. And his spirit rules Spain. And there you are. The Catalonian doesn't like it -and he won't have it. The merry mine-owner, who dearly loves other people to go out and do a bit of fighting for his mines, is only the ostensible cause of the trouble. For once this sturdy and lofty patriot is not in the wrong. I mean the root of the trouble is not really in him. He is but the feather showing the way that the wind blows. And the wind is blowing in the direction of Catalonia for the Catalonians. This talk of the wish to form a republic because a republic is such an angelic form of government -and this talk of the evils of clericalism- and this talk of the double-dyed and double-barrelled ruffianism of the merry mine-owner is -well, it is merely talk. The real question is one of difference of race. And there is the beginning and the end of it. A race who dearly loves work is disagreeing with a race who dearly loves rest -and plenty of it. And in the opinion of a plain and humble thinker such as myself it would be well were they separated. Oil and water can't mix. History isn't quite clear as to the stock from which the Catalonians sprung. They are certainly not a Gothic race. They possess neither the fairness of look, nor the stature of the old barbarians. They are dark, middle-sized, alert, and tempestuous. A quick, hard race of fighters. They have neighbours, though, who are certainly Goths. I mean the people of Andorra -the Andorranos. The men of Andorra are the finest looking men in the world -tall and broad and powerful, with blue eyes and fair complexions. They don't care much for the Catalonians. They are distrustful of their energy. When I was in Andorra I heard a long argument between a Catalan and some Andorranos. The Catalan was trying to explain how advantageous it would be to Andorra if it were under the wing of Catalonia. But the Andorranos could not see it. And they expressed their blindness, so to speak, with much energy. To put the case simply, it is this: an ancient, easy, conservative race has the misfortune to be living in the same house with a restless, turbulent, rushful, pushful, hurry-up race. True, there are some advantages accruing to the ancient, easy racef rom this mismated marriage. For the restless, turbulents work. In fact, they positively adore toil. And the present way the world is run a little toil is necessary to make the wheels go round. The calm and easy people don't like the turbulents. But they put up with them, because they love what they don't love: toil. Speak to an Andalusian of a Catalonian, and you will see a gentle, pitying smile come into the Andalusian's face. He looks upon the Catalonian as one would look upon the dark and benighted. He feels as the tramp feels towards the honest worker who likes to work hard for thirty shillings or a pound a week. Speak to the Catalonian of the Andalusian and there will come into his hard, energetic face a look of fierce contempt. And he will tell you many rude things concerning the Andalusians with volcanic abruptness. He will go on about his lack of energy and push. As I meandered up through Catalonia I heard a good deal of this. By that time I had been long enough in Spain to acquire a stock of what you might call green, or living, Spanish, and by the aid of that and gestures I was able to converse with these rugged and seriousmen. Serious? Yes, they are serious. There is nothing of a gay and light and airy nature about them. They never seem to have time to make a joke. I remember trying to make a joke with a Catalonian in Saragossa, and for a moment I thought there was going to be war. I had made a joking remark about some soldiers who were passing, and he gave me a snap-your-head-off glare. It was with difficulty that I soothed him and made him understand that though I was a foreigner I was one of the best. The truth of the matter is that the Catalonians do not consider themselves Spaniards at all. And as amatter of fact they are not. Any observer who goes through the length of Spain would be forced to this conclusion.Through the centuries there has been friction -if not about one thing, about another- between them and the rest of the people of Spain. There is a story to the effect that when Columbus landed in Barcelona with presents for Spain the municipal authorities were so vexed that they would allow no record to be made of his landing. How the trouble is to be really composed it is difficult to see. For it springs inherently from a racial difference. The political differences and the war in Morocco--arising out of the dispute about the mines--only mean that any stick is good enough to beat a dog. If it was not this, it would be something else. In the end Catalonia must become a separate State.

Catalonia Calling is on holidays

2007-08-01T09:09:00.000+02:00

This blog will be on holidays until September.

See you then.

The Spanish Inquisition never sleeps. The kidnapper and censor Spanish law. Post in support of El Jueves

2007-07-20T19:59:00.000+02:00

Today, judge Juan del Olmo from the Audiencia Nacional (Spain's highest court in penal matters which pre-constitutional origins have been studied by Antonio María Lorca Navarrete, professor in Procedural Law in the Universidad del País Vasco who affirms that the Audiencia Nacional was born "under the shelter of a doubtful democratic regulation") has ordered the Policía Nacional (Spanish national Police) the legal "kidnapping" (a nice way of saying "I don't like you and I censor you because I am the unquestionable law) of the Spanish satiric magazine called El Jueves (edited in Barcelona and sold in all Spain) under the accusation of slanderous caricatures of the Spanish Monarchy. Moreover they want to close El Jueves web site. In the front page of the arrested number you can see a couple fucking (they look like prince Felipe and princess Letizia) under the title: € 2,500 per baby (referring to the promise made by president Zapatero to help families with € 2,500 every time they have a baby). The man in the picture says "Do you notice that if you get pregnant, that will be the most similar to work I have never made?"

This is the cover published in all newspapers and web sites after the arrest (Avui , Il corriere della sera , BBC news , El País)

Well, I am against censorship and I think freedom is the real unquestionable right. It seems that Juan del Olmo and the Audiencia Nacional do not agree with me and as guardians of the pure and eternal Spanish essences have ordered the legal arrest of the magazine. Moreover, the author of that cartoon can be charged of offending the Monarchy and condemned to be imprisoned for two years. No, I am not talking about radical islamists threatening a magazine because of some caricatures of Mahoma. I am talking about supposed democrat Spaniards that should defend free expression. No, I am not talking about dictatorial North Korea. I am talking about the democratic Spain. But there are some similarities in both cases, aren't there? Radical islamists and North Korea have some curious similarities to Spain and some Spanish judges: they think they have the unique truth. As you can see, the age of Enlightenment is something that happened to others (not to the deep feudal Spanish minds nowadays dressed as democrats).

When radical islamists censor free expression we call them barbarians and anti-democrats. So, what will we call Audiencia Nacional after this attack to free expression in Spain? Remember that there is one supposed democrat Constitution that legalize these kind of acts. In the rest of the civilized Europe that would be a great scandal and would have cost some resignations. In Spain it is normal and nothing will happen. Even more, I bet that judge Juan del Olmo will be soon promoted.

It is not the first time that free expression is censored in Spain. The most famous one happened in 1905 when the Spanish Army assulted and burned the editorial office of a satiric Catalan magazine named "Cu-Cut!" and the editorial office of the newspaper La Veu de Catalunya (The voice of Catalonia), both well-known public defenders of Catalanism. But we don't have to go so far to find examples of censorship in Spain. More or less a year ago a judge censored an advertisment in favor of the legalization of Catalan national teams. The arrest of that ad was based in the fact that the actors were children and that was against the law of children protection. Beneath you can watch the censored video where you can see some children playing football (or soccer) dressed with some T-shirts that look like the colours of some national teams. Then there is one that wants to join them. He wears the T-shirt of the Catalan national team and the one dressed with the Spanish T-shirt don't let him join. Then the Catalan boy takes the T-shirt off and the rest do the same and then they can play together. That means that Catalans want to practise sport with all nations excluding no one, and that the real fact is that Spain doesn't allow it due to political matters that have nothing to do with sport (they have to do with Spanish superiority syndrome).

But according to the argument used to censor that ad, they should have censored this other ad made by AES-DN, a Spanish neo-fascist party where you can see a child with the Spanish flag in his face following the title "Proud to be Spanish". Obviusly the child is used with radical (and non-democratic) political pourposes. But surprisingly it wasn't censored. I think that none of them should have been censored, but as you can see in Spain they don't treat everyone the same. They prefer neo-fascist ads to Catalan democratic rights. Neo-fascists have no problems to express but Catalan democrats are censored or even arrested and tortured (take a look at my last post). So the eternal and pure Spanish essences are closer to neo-fascists than to democratic principles. That is the reality in the democratic Spain. Sun and beaches, censors and inquisition. Monarchist semi-feudal democracy. Limited and under surveillance free expression. If you come to Spain, don't forget that and try to see the country with different eyes.

Catalonia has no future in this country. Catalonia needs its own country. Catalonia is not Spain.

Shame on Spain.

"Say you are Spanish or I lock you up". The modern Spanish Inquisition

2007-07-19T09:55:00.000+02:00

I present you the real Spanish Fiesta. In Spain they do not only torture animals in their national fiesta (bullfighting) but they torture other "kind" of "animals". The real Spanish Fiesta starts when they arrest a non-Spanish secessionist. Beneath you have two examples of the cold war and the abnormal situation in which we live in Catalonia and in the Basque Country. A dark and deep racist mentality is hidden under the cover of the Spanish democracy, which consider Catalans, Basques and their ideas an illness that must be treated and cured. Catalans and Basques are ill Spanish that have chosen the wrong way or have wrong ideas that must be arranged.

Those who want independence and don't feel Spanish must be violent people and completely mentally ill and they have to be re-educated to the good Spanish way of life. Feeling non-Spanish is unnatural. And as a mentally ill person you have to choose: or you get cured or you get locked up just to avoid the infection of other people with your dangerous ideas. As a matter of faith, the modern Spanish Inquisition trials judge non-Spanish heretics. Being Spanish is a religion. If you don't want to be Spanish you must face the modern democratic Inquisition and its "methods" to keep the true Spanish faith. No rights, no laws. Everything is permitted: false proofs, forced statements, false police reports, false testimonies. But of course, before that you must "turn your camara off". Don't let the world see any other truth but theirs. Welcome to our own apartheid, where Catalans are inferior, where being a Catalan is a signal of insanity, where you have no rights if you don't agree with the Spanish essences, where you have to feel guilty for being Catalan, where you can be condemned and tortured physically or psychologically with impunity and without proofs. It is just an advice: look what can happen to you if you feel what we don't want you to feel and if you think what we don't want you to think. Welcome to the sunny and happy re-education camp called Spain. No, fascism is not back. In Spain fascism never left.

This is the Catalan documentary called Eric and the Army of the Phoenix

This is the documentary by the Australian TV channel SBS about Spanish torture The Spanish Inquisition (Australians, as everybody knows, are dangerous anti-Spanish liars, of course)

Shame on Spain

Spanish flavour

2007-07-13T11:47:00.000+02:00

I had another post ready to publish, but I read a news about a demonstration that will take place in Madrid next July 18. This demonstration has been legalized by Zapatero's socialist government. That would not be a problem if the main protagonists were not member of the Falange party (the fascist unique party that ruled Spain during Franco's dictatorship). Falange is still a legal party in Spain and this demonstration has a very clear slogan: "If we have to pass again, we will pass!". The meaning of this sentence (somehow you can read it as a death sentence also) is an apology of the Civil War from those who destroyed the Spanish democratic Republic in 1936. The date of the demonstration is not accidental: July 18 1936 is the official day of the begining of the Spanish Civil War with the coup d'etat made by the reactionary and ultra-catholic Spanish army, a day celebrated since then to 1975. The slogan is an answer to the war cry "They won't pass!" made by the democratic defenders of Madrid (republicans, socialists, and international volunteer brigades) against the fascist army (composed by the rebel Spanish army, Italian fascists, and nazi German forces) that intended to occupy the capital for two years (1937 - 1939). Yes, they passed in 1939. They won that war. But they say they will pass again even if that means a new war. As you can see, after 31 years of democracy in Spain, it is possible to claim for its destruction, it is possible to claim for a new armed civil conflict and it is possible to insult and spit at the memory of those who died defending democracy, but it is not possible to claim a democratic right like the independence of Catalonia.

Here they are, with their arms up and their fascist flags in the wind. Can you imagine a legal demonstration of a nazi party in Germany? Can you imagine any apology of World War II and nazism in Germany? Simply not because it is illegal and apologists can go to prison. Well, as I told you in a previous post, this is not Germany.

What all those democrats killed during the Spanish Civil War and during Franco's dictatorship would think if they saw what their descendents are doing? Spain spits at all the victims of the fascist cruel system, many of them Catalans who were killed and tortured just for being what they were: Catalans. While those who want to destroy democracy can express their hate in the streets, Catalan secessionists have been arrested and tortured (Spain has a long tradition of tortures according to Amnesty International reports) during all these years by the "democratic" Spain that has been condemned by the European Court of Human Rights of Strasbourg (read an abstract of the sentence here in English). In a next post I will tell you about the pathetic story of a Catalan teenager called Èric Bertran who was treated as a dangerous terrorist.

Spain spoils fascists while torture and repress those who claim for the international right of independence. Spain a nation back... to the old 1930s. Spain was the only European country where fascism was not defeated after World War II. Spain is the only European country where fascism has been legal since 1933. And Spain is the only European country where a Foundation that praise general Franco and his fascist dictatorship has been subsidized by a "democratic" government.

Shame on Spain.

Zapatero's pre-democratic Spain

2007-07-05T18:02:00.000+02:00

"Equality is our identity”. This is President Zapatero’s answer to the interpellation of a Catalan secessionist deputy in the Spanish Congress. Zapatero added also that “this equality can only be achieved in a democratic system”. He said that there are no differences between Spaniards and Catalans: “some are not so different although they think they are” and appealed to the “historical tradition of living together”. Thus, Zapatero denies the national Catalan reality and agrees with the old pre-democratic Castilian centralist vision of Spain. It doesn’t matter who leads the state, right wing or left wing parties. In Spain the Catalan nation does not exist, therefore the right of self-determination is unnecessary. President Zapatero tells us that “there has never been a self-determination process in a democratic system. These kinds of processes have always happened during dictatorial systems or at the end of a dictatorship”.

It is necessary to make several considerations. If the Spanish identity is just equality, why are Spaniards different from Portuguese, French, Italian or Dutch? Does not the Declaration of Human Rights say that all men are equal? According to Zapatero, if we are all equal and the same, why don’t the states that make us different disappear immediately?

I suppose that Mr. Zapatero is able to differentiate a Frenchman from a Spaniard. But which are those differences? Both are dressed more or less the same, they enjoy the same globalized leisure and food, they are democrats, they use the same tools and maybe share the same religion… Tell me, Mr. Zapatero, which are the differences?

Language? History? Culture? National feelings? National anthems? Then, Mr. Zapatero, the differences between a Spaniard and a Frenchman are the same between a Spaniard and a Catalan (it is strange that Catalans have a national anthem with lyrics, but those who deny our existence as a nation have not. The national anthem of Spain has no lyrics. Why? Because it is not a national anthem but the Borbonic Royal March. Mabye it is the Spanish nation that does not exist. Think about it). But of course, Catalans and Spaniards have a "historical tradition of living together" that means armed oppression, the abolition of the Catalan laws and independent institutions in 1716 and its substitution by the foreign laws and institutions of Castile which obviously will never propitiate a self-determination process of Catalonia.

Spanish and Catalan are two different languages (even though some Spaniards say that Catalan language does not exist -no language, no culture, no nation: Catalans are a big NO in Spain- or that it is a dialect that comes from the Spanish language -see? The world itself will be one day an oddity of the Spanish way of life. First it was anthropocentric, then heliocentric, now it is Spaniardcentric. Darwin was wrong, humans do not come from apes but from Spaniards). Spain and Catalonia have a very different history (Catalonia has a thousand-year-old documented history and the Spanish state was created after the Catalan defeat of 1714, in spite of what Spaniards say with their historical lies about it. Since the XVth century Catalonia shared the same monarchy with Castile, but sharing a monarch does not mean being the same nation –if it was true, Australians and English should be the same nation because they recognize the same monarchy).

But as usual what is valid for the rest of the world, it is not for Catalans. We are always the exception, the last political and national apartheid in Europe, where "democracy" reduces us to a simple Spanish distorted rarity.

Zapatero says that countries get their independence during dictatorships or at the end of a dictatorship. So he is telling us that Spain is still a dictatorial state since Franco’s death in 1975 because a possible process of self-determination of Catalonia, Galiza or the Basque Country was not considered under any circumstances with the arrival of “democracy”. We all know that even the pathetic Catalan Statute of Autonomy provoked Tejero’s coup d'état in 1981. Since then, any effort to strengthen the Catalan sovereignity has been blocked.

It seems to me, Mr. Zapatero, that your demagogic words try to justify what cannot be justified. And although you want to disguise Spain with words of open democracy and tolerance, the speech continues being as negationist as the one during Franco’s fascist dictatorship. Trying to justify the negation of a universal right to all Catalan people, you just show that in the Spanish democracy we have no place, we will never be treated as a normal nation, and you are telling us that you keep the same conqueror’s mind Spaniards had in 1714 when Catalans were defeated and the Castilian boots of the occupation forces echoed in the streets of Barcelona.

But if Catalans do not exist, why do they talk about “the Catalan problem” in Spain, Mr. Zapatero? If the Catalan nation does not exist, how can Catalans be a problem? Spain has a problem with Catalonia and Catalonia with Spain. And as long as the existence and the rights that every nation deserves are denied to us, the problem will not end. The Catalan nation does not exist. You can close your eyes. But we are still a problem for your Spain, Mr. Zapatero. I wonder if your arguments are just a compilation of the old pre-democratic wish of erasing any sign of the Catalan nation. In that case, you are right, the self-determination process is forbidden by the “democratic dictatorship” we are trapped in since 1978 and the Spanish Constitution is our jailer.

Wouldn’t it be easier to understand that Catalonia is not Spain?

Catalonia + plunder = Spain

2007-06-25T17:32:00.000+02:00

These are the conclusions of the article titled "Macroeconomic effects of Catalan fiscal deficit with the Spanish state (2002–2010)" published in Applied Economics (number 37, 2005):

According to Eurostat Regional data, the Catalan economy has been blocked in recent years while Madrid, Navarra and the Basque Country have converged vigorously with the EU Regional GDP per capita average (in 2000 these three Spanish Autonomous Communities clearly surpassed Catalonia). It is suggested that the main reason for this stagnancy is the Catalan fiscal deficit with the Spanish state, estimated in recent years to be between 7% and 9% of Catalan GDP. Fiscal deficit does not exist in Navarra and the Basque Country (because of their particular financial system called concierto económico, that is equivalent and independent, self-sufficient administration) and it is significantly lower in Madrid, clearly the most dynamic Spanish region in recent years (only 1–2% of Madrid yearly GDP). Because of this continual extraction of Catalan resources and wealth, Catalonia is losing economic growth opportunities in the EU context, and according to the estimates derived in this study this stagnancy will continue in future years if the Catalan fiscal deficit with the Spanish state is not reversed. Catalonia will converge with the most dynamic EU regions only if there is a significant reduction of the Catalan fiscal deficit.

Catalonia pays taxes as a European country but receives public expenditure as a South American country. This is what Mr. Ramon Tremosa (a well-known Catalan economist) says in that article. Other economists have denounced the unfair economic situation of Catalonia (for example Mr. Xavier Sala i Martín)

But this alarming article is old-fashioned already. Recent non-official studies about the fiscal deficit of Catalonia with Spain say that things are worse. According to the Observatori del Finançament de Catalunya in 2005 the Catalan deficit was €19,176,000,000. That is a 10.5% of Catalan GDP. And what does this percentage mean? Simply twice and a half the maximun fiscal deficit legally stablished in Germany and its länder. So if Spain were Germany the economical relationship between Spain and Catalonia would be illegal. But of course this is not Germany (sometimes I wonder if this is Europe) and everything is possible here (against Catalans, of course). Democracy is transparency, they say in all the democracies of the world. But its Spanish translation is: democracy is piracy. Who said transparency? Oh yes, transparency is what Spanish avoid when Catalans are around (we are not normal, remember?). Not in vain, the information about interterritorial fiscal scales is the most hidden secret in Spain since 1996, breaking year after year a Spanish parliament mandate. The reason? Spanish Government says that there are many ways and methods for calculating them and that there is no consensus (do Spaniards know that fiscals scales are published every year in all European countries according to monetary flows? I insist, is Spain in Europe?). "We will go on trying it" said President Zapatero last May. Trying it? Do you mean that you need 11 years to know how to calculate the interterritorial fiscal balances? What kind of economists are there in Spain? What it seems is that fiscal scales are not so interesting (I mean that Spaniards are not interested in showing where our money is invested, so shaming it is).

Just some significant indicators to sum to Catalan fiscal deficit (and due to it):

The 72 % of the payment highways of Spain are in Catalonia
Catalonia is the European country with more payment highways per km2
Catalonia has just the 4.13 % of the free highways in Spain
Catalonia has the 26 % of the car accidents of Spain
The 36 % of the Catalan road network has a high or very high risk of accident rate due to the low Spanish public expenditure
Catalonia is the 19 % of the total GDP of Spain but the total Spanish public expenditure in Catalonia is just the 14 %
The fiscal deficit of Catalonia in 2005 is four times the total cost of Barcelona 1992 Olympic Games
Catalans have a fiscal deficit of € 2,704 per capita yearly
Catalans recieve € 415 per capita in concept of total inverstment while the Spanish average is € 477
With that fiscal deficit the whole Catalan public health system deficit could be payed
Since 1991 the public expenditure in the Autonomous Comunity of Madrid is twice the public expenditure in Catalonia
The investment of the Catalan railroad network has been manifestly insufficient for the last 20 years
The failures, delays and accidents in the Catalan railroad network are common every day affecting hundreds of thousands Catalans

This situation is called "solidarity" in Spain. If you do not speak Spanish "solidarity" means "Catalans pay and shut up" in the democrat Spain. When Catalans denounce this situation we are called thieves, rude primitive nationalists, anti-Spanish xenophobes, and they say we lie and the reality is that we have no solidarity with the poorest Spanish regions while we have uncountables benefits from Spain (which are these benefits? Ultra-Spanish nationalists give no economic datum. We are Catalans, and that is enough. We are the origin of all evil. Do they need more datum? We deserve our situation. If we were good Spanish people they wouldn't have to plunder us). Any Catalan attempt to force the Spanish Government to publish the interterritorial fiscal sclaes is called blackmail for some Spanish media (as an example: the ultra-catholic-Spanish radio star Federico Jiménez Losantos said in prime time "The Government only talks to terrorists, homosexuals and Catalans. When is it going to talk to normal people?" -La Mañana de la COPE -June, 13 2005)

This table represents the last information we have about the financial scales per Autonomous Comunities in Spain (period 1991 - 1996). As you can see Catalonia was the second Spanish Autonomous Comunity with a higher fiscal deficit. It has yearly grown since then and Spain gives no official information about it.

Just some comparisions:

Extremadura was the most favoured Autonomous Comunity then (and so it is nowadays)
Nowadays, Extremadura has new free highways which are half empty (the population density there is 25 inhabitants per km2 while in Catalonia is 220 inhabitants per km2)
In 2004 there were 1,200,000 poor people in Catalonia
In 2006 Extremadura had a population of 1,086,373 inhabitants
Even though all the investment Extremadura receives, it is not decreasing but increasing while the fiscal pressure of Catalonia is growing every year (but of course, we have no right to claim, we are Catalans, never forget that)

This is what we call Modern democratic colonization (maybe too similar to the traditional colonization). Catalonia is not Spain but a Spanish colony. Facts are facts, and "legal" plunder is "legal" plunder. Spanish democracy = piracy.

Frankfurt Book Fair

2007-06-21T15:57:00.000+02:00

Here is the letter written by Mr. Wolf Daerr, the German consul in Barcelona, and published in the Barcelonian newspaper La Vanguardia. The main theme is the presence of Catalan culture as Guest of Honour in the Frankfurt Book Fair 2007 which will take place next October. The letter was in Spanish (from now on, when I say Spanish I mean Castilian, not Catalan, Galizian nor Basque) and I translated it into English.

La Vanguardia, newspaper that I highly appreciate, has published several articles about the Fankfurt Book Fair 2007. The one dated June 13, 2007 titled "The authors in Castilian called by Bargalló reject their invitation to go to Frankfurt" contains a severe error that can make the reader think that "Catalunya" has been called as Guest of Honour to the Frankfurt Book Fair. If it had been written that the Guest of Honour is "Catalan culture" it would have been correct. For this reason authors from Andorra and the Balearic Islands, who are part of the Catalan cultural area among others, have been invited also. This small difference seems very important to me.

Even though La Vanguardia is a newspaper edited in Barcelona, it is known for being close to the Spanish economical and political power, for its marked regionalism (opposed to the exercise of full Catalan sovereignty) and for its monarchic friendliness. Lately, this newspaper (written completely in Spanish) has been worried about the fact that there are no Spanish-writing authors in the final list of representatives of the Catalan culture in the Frankfurt Book Fair. According to that, and according to the most of the Spaniards, Spanish language is a natural way to express the Catalan culture. Therefore they consider that Spanish-writing authors must be included in that list also. In my opinion the final purpose of this debate is questioning the legitimacy of Catalan-writing authors to represent Catalan culture itself (it seems that we, Catalans, are not good enough to represent ourselves without the strict Spanish surveillance).

Defenders of the Spanish culture say that “real” Catalan culture is everything made in Catalonia regardless of whether it is in Catalan or Spanish. Obviously, if they were right Catalan language and culture would be melted under the grandeur of Spanish language and culture with the connivance of the State. Actually, it means the slow decay of the Catalan tongue, its reduction to an exotic oddity, and its progressive substitution by the Spanish tongue. In my opinion what Spanish arguments hide is another step forward to that inconfesable intention of substitution.

But their theory about the Catalan presence in the Frankfurt Book Fair has several problems and contradictions. The first one is that, if we agree with the Spanish point of view, a Spanish-writing author that works in Catalonia must be automatically considered a member of the Catalan culture as well as member of the Spanish culture. But when you ask them whether a Catalan-writing author that works in Madrid should be considered a member of the Spanish culture or not the vehement answer is “certainly not” (and you have to watch Spanish television to realize that they are right: no Catalan, nor Basque nor Galician on the air).

Spanish culture was invited as a Guest of Honour in the Frankfurt Book Fair some years ago and no Catalan-writing authors were included. I remember no complains nor claims (neither did La Vanguardia) defending the Catalan rights then. Where were those that lose sleep defending the Spanish-writing authors today? (Isn't that called hypocrisy?).

The second one is that in Catalonia coexist many people with different languages: English, French, Italian, German, Russian, Arabic, Chinese… Can a Japanese-writing author that lives in Barcelona be considered a representative of the Catalan culture? Is a Catalan-writing author that lives in Rome part of the Italian culture? Is a Spanish-writing author in Berlin part of the German culture? Is a German-writing author in Madrid part of the Spanish culture? Strictly according to the Spanish logic the answers would say yes. In that case, Ernest Hemingway, George Orwell or Harry Fisher are members of the Spanish culture from now on (my condolences to all the Anglo-Saxon world). But in fact, we find that the only affirmative answer is when we ask whether Spanish-writing authors in Catalonia are Catalan culture or not. So Catalan culture is the only exception. The logic that works when we talk about French, Italian, Russian, Vietnamese and Spanish cultures is not useful when we talk about Catalan culture. As if by magic, we become an exception. We are not normal. Catalans are not normal. And if Catalans are not like others it is not necessary to judge them by the same laws and, of course, they can not claim for the same rights. So Catalans are less than the rest of the world (God save the Spanish democracy!). And I ask, is this a cultural matter or a political matter? If it is just politics they should tell us and stop confusing the world. Be courageous, Spaniards, and say that Spain thinks Catalans can not have our own culture without the interference of your Spanish culture (which is best, superior, universal, and the one used by the real Spanish patriots).

The origin of all this mess is that there are two official languages in Catalonia: Catalan and Spanish. Catalan is the native language of Catalonia and Spanish was introduced by force when we lost our independence in 1714 (of course it is strongly denied in Spain and some even say and “prove” that Spanish was common in Catalonia in the Middle Ages and that Catalan language was an invention of those evil Catalans that want to destroy the sacred unity of Spain, crazy huh? But some think it for real). Since then, Catalan culture and language have been repressed and forbidden, while Spanish became the tongue of the conquerors. With the Spanish democracy, Catalan was officially restored again sharing rights with Spanish (but only theoretically -I will talk about that in next articles). And because Spanish is an official language in Catalonia Spaniards think they have the right of being part of the Catalan culture. But where does this right come from? There is no law about that. Even the “sacred” Spanish Constitution (always restrictive with Catalans) says nothing about that. I think the problem is a lack of Spanish self-confidence, the weakness of a superiority complex that needs to be proved day after day. The proud elephant scared by a simple mouse trapped in a cage.

Am I exagerating? Well, you just have to listen to some Spanish media and political speeches about the Frankfurt Book Fair. Criminal anti-Spanish Catalans are offending Spain. For example, Cristina López Schilchting, a journalist from Cadena COPE (an importat ultra-Spanish radio station property of the Spanish Episcopal Conference), has said that the presence of the Catalan culture in Frankfurt without any Spanish-writing author in the final list is a proof of an “ideological totalitarism which is close to those who burn books”. Ok then. So it is normal when Spanish culture is the Guest of Honour and no Catalan-writing authors are invited, but in the opposite situation Catalans are nothing but nazis. Fair play? What's that? And no, she has not finished. According to López Schilchting this is a direct attack to Spain itself and an “economic, intellectual and political offense” made by dangerous “provincial country bumpkins”. Another example. The ultra-Spanish nationalist, Antonio Pérez Henares, in his article called "Linguistic racism" says that the Catalan political parties "allowed themselves to be swept away by an ideology where contempt and hate against "the others", against what is common, against all what is Spanish, is the basis of identity even if that means to be ashamed of your own father and mother". Wow. Do you mean that the Spanish identity is my father and my mother? At the same time? How can it be? Is Spain hermaphrodite? Is it nice to call hermaphrodite to your own country? But if you are right, who are the man and the woman that share my surnames? According to you they can not be my parents because I am not ashamed of them, I am very proud of them. I am really confused. So my father is not my father and my mother is not my mother, and I am ashamed of my real father and mother, that is the Spanish identity. I am lost Mr. Pérez. This is crazy. But I think I do understand what you mean. What for other nations is the normal behaviour it becomes contempt and hate in Catalans. We do not deserve the air we breathe, right Mr. Pérez? We must be awful.

But he is not fully satisfied. To him Catalan writers "are mediocres, unknown, (...) and show a pitiful, impoverished, and mean image of excluding nationalism, linguistic racism and cultural xenophobia". Of course Mr. Pérez believes that Spanish writers are "the only real writers". Well, it seems that Catalan writers are not real. Maybe a nightmare, right Mr. Pérez? Our existence, our identity is a nightmare for you, of course. And no, Mr. Pérez, we are "the others", not you. We are the exception thanks to people like you. Excluding nationalism? Are you talking about your idea of a complete Castilianized Spain with no other languages, cultures and minds but Spanish? Our resistance to that is excluding nationalism? And aren't your insults an example of deep hate? Or are they just an example of nice including nationalism? Maybe devouring nationalism would fit better.

Congratulations, Mr. Pérez. A nice lesson of what is good nationalism (yours) and bad nationalism (the rest -who said excluding?). But Mr. Pérez, what about those Spanish people that live in Catalonia and feel Catalan indepencence supporters? Their origins are Spanish but their hearts are Catalan without any moral contradiction. Are they nazis too? Are they nasty monsters like those evil non-Spanish nationalists? As Catalans, can they start eating raw Spanish babies for breakfast as we use to do in Catalonia?

To summarize, what these Spanish patriots are really saying is “Spaniards can be Catalans in Spanish but Catalans can not be Spanish in Catalan, and moreover Catalans are nazis, mediocres, offensive, country bumpkins, dangerous, pitiful, racists, anti-Spanish, and only live to hate Spain and burn books” (a good sign of the “exemplary coexistence of the whole Spanish peoples thanks to the tolerant and open minded Spanish democracy”). Catalans are the origin of evil. Is there any better argument for Catalan secessionists to claim freedom for Catalonia? Aren't that list of insults enough? Of course not all Spanish people think like that (thanks to Heaven) but those kind of opinions are growing every day.

And the matter is so ridiculous that even Jürgen Boos (Director of the Frankfurt Book Fair) said that “the writers we want here are the less known ones, those that write in Catalan”. Well, I warn you Mr. Boos that Mr. Pérez may think that you are mediocre, unknown, and an anti-Spanish racist (maybe he may think that you eat raw children too). I am sorry Mr. Boos. What Spain really wants is not exactly the same as you. Spain wants you and the entire world to be unaware of the existence of the Catalan-writing authors, the existence of the Catalan culture and even the existence of the whole Catalan people. Mr. Boos, Spain wants you blind in everything related to Catalans. Spain wants to go on minimizing us inside while we are silenced and denied outside. In their minds the best representation of the Catalan culture is the one made in Spanish, much more universal (according to that point of view, I suggest that English culture represents the Spanish culture from now on. We all know that English is much more universal than Spanish and the main language of communication in the world. Spanish people will be delighted to apply their own logic. I am sure). Any resistance is made by annoying country bumpkins (Catalans of course) whose minor culture deserves the darkest corner in a museum of oddities (being generous). Is this evangelization? Is this Castilianization? No. Nowadays it is called “constitutional democracy”.

By the way, there are 130 authors and writers in the final list (including some “dangerous traitors to Spain” as Matthew Tree, Monica Zgustova or Simona Škrabec), none of them Spanish-writing authors. But what about them? Spanish-writing authors as Eduardo Mendoza, Javier Cercas, Juan Marsé and Juan Goytisolo, among others, have expressed their refusal to represent the Catalan culture because they understand that only Catalan-writing authors can do that. This honourable attitude has ridiculed those noisy patriots and defenders of the Spanish essences (who say that they have been forced by the fascists Catalans to refuse -Isn't there an end to this Spanish hating madness and lies?). Of course, the Spanish-writing authors will be in Frankfurt as Spanish culture with their own publishers. But this year the Guest of Honour in the Frankfurt Book Fair is the Catalan culture whether some Spanish "democrats" like it or not.

SOS Catalonia Calling starts here

2007-06-20T23:22:00.000+02:00

How to begin? Things in the “democratic Spain" are not easy at all for the stateless nations that still exist in spite of the Spanish steel curtain that intends to conceal them from the eyes of the world. We, Basques, Catalans and Galicians, survive inside this nationally Castilian Spain, with its Castilian language, its Castilian culture and its Castilian laws. It would not be a problem if it was only this. It would not be a problem if Spain were just Castiliancentred. But we face an actively castilianicizing Spain.

At all levels, Castilian expansionism achieved unsuspected limits in the abuse, imposition, extermination and substitution of other nations and ethnic groups. Historically, it has been this way outside the Iberian Peninsula (it is not necessary to remember the devastating castilianization, then called evangelization, of South and Central America) as well as inside (where the extermination of what smells like Catalan has been a constant for 300 years). We might say that the times of Franco's dictatorship and its cruelty have already passed. We might say that the cruel cultural genocide of the Catalans at the first third of the 18th century is very remote. We might say that nowadays democracy guarantees us the Catalans the rights that the Castilians took from us by the force of the arms, those rights that where buried under the boot of the oppression (yes, we learn Catalan at schools again and our language is as official in Catalonia as Castilian, but this is just appearance). But we would be far from reality if we thought that. Although it is true that we have a degree of autonomy, it is not less true that this "autonomy" is narrowly watched and caged by the Spanish “democratic” legal machinery that restricts any minimum advance in Catalan sovereignty or any effort to strengthen our identity as a people.

I ask you a question. How many of the citizens of the world know the existence of the Catalan nation? How many know its contradictions, history, habits, culture, suffering and survival? If the Spanish democracy guaranteed our identity and rights we, the Catalans, would have own voice in the world. But that does not happen. Why?. The only voice from Spain to the world is the Castilian one. Before the eyes of the world we, the Catalans, are invisible under the huge and dark umbrella of Spain (a word that hides the authentic name of this country: Castile). It is simple. The name of Spain hides and justifies the castilianization of the "imperio", which ultimate possessions are not outside but inside: Catalonia, Euskadi and Galiza. Without them, Spain would be reduced to its origins, that is Castile. If that were going to happen castilianization would not have a reason because all Iberian nations would have the same degree of sovereignity and independence. Castilianization would mean conquest to the world, and that is not very polite, huh?. The term “Spain” is the guarantee that Castile rules. It is very clear. If we all, Castilians, Galicians, Basques and Catalans, are Spaniards, we are all "joined" by the magical word of Spain where there is no place for other nations. However, as I have said before, the Spanish nation speaks Castilian, lives a Castilian life, legislates with Castilian laws and exports, of course, the Castilian voice. In fact the Spain of “all” becomes the Spain of the majority, which is not the same. And to have its own identity, just to survive, this artificial Spain of the majority needs to deny a contrary, a kind of enemy to gather all good Spaniards in the self-defence of Spain (yes, even in democracy). And they deny with disdain the existence of the thousand-year-old Catalan nation. Is it a crime to destroy what does not exist?. All those that do not speak Castilian, neither live in Castilian, nor think like Castilian are simply legally silenced and reduced to the corners of the cage called Spain. The world will never see us, nor hear us, nor understand what we are. The world will never see us disappear under the Spanish pressure. The castilianization will be much easier if the world is blind.

Luckily the castilianization is not imposed by the force of the arms nowadays. But if the manners have changed the will of it is as insistent as it once was. We live in a cold war where democracy means the rights of some over the rights of others. Laws, mass media, the large enterprises, the economic power, the Supreme Court of the State... all Castiliancentred or Castilinized. In a “democratic” way, of course. But be careful. The castilianization that the fascism embraced during the Civil War appears with force again. Some Spanish media and political parties are leading a shameless neocastilinization revival, where all those that are not ethnically, culturally, and mentally Castilian are dangerous, despicable and dispensable. In an intense and constant process of dehumanization, which grows every day, we, the not castilianized Catalans, are described as a cancer to be removed by the ferocius representatives of the Spanish essences. The excuse? We, the Catalans, put the stability of Spain in danger permanently. We break Spain, we are anti-Spanish and those good Spanish patriots must do something against those that are close to terrorists if not completely anti-Spaniards terrorists (that is how some of them call us). It is the preventive war. This is the growing background of Spain. They attack us because they think one day we will "attack" them claiming our independece. This is what "democrat" Spain hides. The fiscal plunder of Catalonia is still concealed by the Spanish institutions. The conscious infrastructural deficit of Catalonia is suffocating. Our language is rejected in the rest of the State, our sportsmen are forced by law to compete in the Spanish selections (those who refuse are seriously sanctioned), the Catalans are badly seen in Spain... among other things. But in spite of this, in spite of not being strong, not even having big media, nor own laws, neither favorable courts, nor our own money to invest in Catalonia, the Catalans are insulted every day by many Spanish factions and media groups. We are the target of the Castilian-Spanish cavemen, the one that misses the times and rules of the pro-Franco nation.

Of course not all Spaniards are so fierce but the message against Catalans is even penetrating in those moderate and traditionally open-minded Spaniards. We have no allies. The democracy is a mirage. Our autonomy is just a cage from which we can not scape. I know that the Spanish propaganda will deny all my words, even will insult me, reduce me to a worm. They will ridicule me as if I were a human-shaped ape. They will dehumanize me (they will call me terrorist, fool, stupid, ignorant, nazi) and if I am not a man, my words are the words of an animal. And animals do not speak and must be ignored at least.

I invite you to leave behind all the things you know about Spain. We are not all “toreros” and “funny unconcerned people”. In Spain there are things you do not know. Things that Spanish will never tell you. Even the reporters of your own countries will never write about us (they all live in Madrid and read Spanish newspapers to be informed so they just have one interested point of view). I want to show you the life of those citizens of Spain that do not feel Spanish and want their nation free (isn't the independence a democratic value? Why is it illegal in Spain? Must we be Spanish by force to the end of times? Why do we have that human right denied?). And I want to show you which are the efforts and pressure of Spain to keep us quiet and motionless, and the things we have to hear every day on TV, radios and newspapers. The real Spain is not what you know. But I warn you, I am just one. They have the power to intoxicate minds and hide what does exist. So they will lie and distort the facts, news, and history. I do not want you to believe in me blindly. I just want you to get informed and reach for what is real. Do not believe anything at first. Contrast your information, and try to see all points of view. You will get reality for sure and Spain will not be the same to you any more.

Forgive my English. Sure I make lots of mistakes. I try to do my best.

You are all welcome.